La fusión del Reino de Dios y el reinado de la dinastía davídica en el libro de Salmos

Por O. Palmer Robertson.

Fragmentos tomados del libro The Flow of the Psalms. Discovering Their Structure and Theology (Presbyterian & Reformed, 2015), pp. 15, 16-17.

[D]os reyes y dos reinos se funden el uno en el otro mediante la repetición del mensaje de los salmos.  David y sus descendientes serán establecidos en una monarquía en un lugar en particular.  Jehová reina sobre los cielos y la tierra desde la eternidad y a lo largo de todo el tiempo.  Eventualmente, el reinado del Mesías debe unirse con el reinado de Jehová a fin de que los reinos de la tierra y el cielo, del tiempo y de la eternidad, sean uno.  Esta fusión de los dos reyes y de los dos reinos permea la teología del Salterio.  Esta perspectiva por sí sola puede explicar cómo es que el concepto de monarquía en Israel continúa mucho después de que los reyes dejan de existir en la nación.  También explica cómo el reinado de Jesús como el Mesías pudo fundirse con el reinado de Dios sobre el mundo.


La unión del gobierno de Dios y del Mesías es una verdad focal que corre a lo largo del Salterio.  Tres colecciones separadas en tres diferentes libros unen estos dos reinados.

Una colección distintiva de cinco salmos (Sals. 20-24) conecta con el crucial Salmo 18 que declara las “victorias” del ungido de Jehová (Sal. 18:50).  Las mismas victorias mesiánicas son el objeto de las oraciones del pueblo de Dios (Sal. 20:5) y la ocasión para su regocijo (Sal. 21:1, 5). La pregunta sin responder de este rey mesiánico (“Dios mío, Dios mío, ¿Por qué…?”) termina eventualmente con adoración internacional y generacional del Señor que gobierna sobre las naciones (Sal. 22:1, 27-31).  Aun el rey-Mesías encuentra consuelo entre las sombras profundas como la muerte porque el Señor mismo es su Pastor-Rey (Sal. 23:1-4).  Consumativamente, las antiguas puertas de gloria deben levantarse para que el Señor Pactual [Jehová] Todopoderoso, el Rey de Gloria entre (Sal. 24).

Cuatro salmos consecutivos en el Libro II proclaman al Dios de Israel y a su Mesías como soberanos sobre todas las naciones de la tierra.  En una proclamación por demás sorprendente, el salmista primero saluda al rey mesiánico como el Dios eterno que ha sido ungido por su Dios (Sal. 45:6-7).  El salmo que le sigue en este grupo de salmos sobre la monarquía declara que el Señor Pactual [Jehová] Todopoderoso será “exaltado entre las naciones… enaltecido en la tierra” (Sal. 46:10).  Él es “el gran Rey sobre toda la tierra” (Sal. 47:2, 7).  Este Dios Soberano sobre las naciones reside permanentemente sobre el Monte Sion, la ciudad del Gran Rey (Sal. 48:2).

Un grupo de salmos en el Libro IV emplea una frase distintiva para proclamar el reinado del Señor: Yahweh Malak (“Jehová es Rey”) (Sals. 93, 96, 97,99).  La frase subraya la permanencia del gobierno universal del Señor a lo largo de las edades.  La frase ocurre solamente una vez en la Escritura fuera de esta colección distintiva en el Libro IV del Salterio (1 Cro. 16:31).  En este pasaje, David celebra la traída del arca del pacto, simbolizando el trono del Señor, a Jerusalén de manera que esté permanentemente localizada junto al trono mesiánico de David.  En este contexto, puede proclamarse gozosamente:

Alégrense los cielos,
Gócese la tierra;
Y digan en las naciones:
“¡Yahweh Malak!”
(1ª Cro. 16:31; cf. Sal. 96:10)

______________________________________

Traducción: Alejandro Moreno Morrison.

El Dr. O. Palmer Robertson, de nacionalidad estadounidense, es un erudito en Antiguo Testamento educado en Union Theological Seminary, Virginia. Ha sido profesor de Antiguo Testamento en Reformed Theological Seminary, Westminster Theological Seminary, Covenant Theological Seminary, y Knox Theological Seminary. Actualmente divide su actividad académica entre la African Bible University en Uganda, y el centro de estudios bíblicos Tyndale House en Cambridge, Inglaterra. Es autor de los libros The Christ of the Covenants, The Christ of the Prophets, and The Israel of God.

____________________________________

Ver también: El Señor Jesucristo es ya el rey mesiánico que se ha sentado en el trono de DavidLa extensión del territorio del reino del Mesías (Salmo 72:8-11)El Reino de Dios a lo largo de la historia de la redenciónEl mensaje del sermón de Pedro en Pentecostés: ArrepentíosEste mundo está lleno del poder redentor de Dios.El reino del Mesías y Su IglesiaLa proclamación del reino en los evangelios sinópticos (incluyendo el significado de las parábolas del reino en Mateo 13 y Marcos 4)Salmo 67 (para canto congregacional)Ampliación en el Nuevo Testamento de la noción judía del Reino de Dios y de Jerusalén como su sedeLa profecía de las setenta “semanas” (Daniel 9:20-27)Sermón expositivo de Hechos 1:6-7. La restauración del Reino a Israel (audio)Sermón expositivo de Hechos 1:9-11. Cumplimiento de la profecía de Daniel 7 en la ascensión del Señor (audio).Sermón expositivo de Hechos 2:22-37, el Señor Jesucristo es el rey mesiánico prometido en el AT (audio)Sermón expositivo del Salmo 67 (audio)Serie de sermones de Hechos 1:1 al 2:41 (audios).

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Vindiciae Legis, or A Vindication of the Morall Law and the Covenants (PDF)

By Anthony Burgess.

Link to PDF file:

BURGESS, Anthony. A Vindication of the Moral Law and the Covenants (1647)

Introductory note by Alejandro Moreno Morrison

The full subtitle of the original edition is: A Vindication of the Morall Law and the Covenants, From the Errours of Papists, Arminians, Socinians, and more especially, Antinomians. In XXX Lectures, preached at Laurence-Jury, London. This facsimile edition is taken from second edition, corrected and augmented (London: James Young, 1647), and published by Reformation Heritage Books (Grand Rapids, 2011).

On the crucial importance and unique significance of this book as a testimony of the true Reformed Christianity, and more particularly of the true Reformed Presbyterianism that is faithful to the Westminster Standards, Stephen J. Casselli writes the following in the third page of the “Introduction” to the facsimile edition shared above:

On January 25, 1645, [Anthony Burgess] was elected vicar of the Guildhall church of St. Lawrence Jewry, where his lectures on the law would eventually be delivered. The timing for the call and delivery of these lectures is significant. Burgess delivered these lectures in the midst of the Assembly’s discussion and debates regarding the law of God, and Vindiciae legis provides exegetical and theological rationale, consonant with the teaching of chapter XIX of the Westminster Confession of Faith.

In footnote 11, Casselli further elaborates:

The foreword preceding the title page of Vindiciae legis calling for the publication of Burgess’s lectures is dated June 11, 1646, and this is a significant clue to understanding its historical milieu. It is clear that the lectures were delivered some time in the months preceding June of 1646. This is important because we also know that on November 18, 1645, the writing of the section on the law for the Confession of Faith was referred to the third committee, of which Anthony Burgess was a member. A report on the law was then made to the plenary session by John Wincop on January 7, 9, 12, 13, 29, and February 2 and 9, 1646…

Casselli’s sources are Alex F. Mitchel & John Sturthers, eds., The Minutes of the Sessions of the Westminster Assembly of Divines (Edinburgh: William Blackwood & Sons, 1847; p. 178); and Benjamin B. Warfield, The Westminster Assembly and Its Work (New York: Oxford University Press, 1931; p. 112).

It is worth noting that the “Antinomian Errours” circulating in England around 1645-6 were connected to the moral scepticism and antinomianism that developed in Lutheran circles in the 17th century.  In his book Natural Law and Moral Philosophy: From Grotius to the Scottish Enlightenment (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996; pp. 25-6), Knud Haakonssen explains as follows the line of thought of such moral scepticism and antinomianism:

Nothing that a person can be or make of himself will justify him before God; only faith justifies, and that only by God’s grace. Our duty towards God is thus infinite, and we may view our temporal life as a network of unfulfillable duties, which natural law theory may put into systematic form and give such worldly justification as our limited understanding permits. On the other hand, if our duty is really infinite and unfulfillable, then it is hard to see it as a possible guide to action; it provides no criterion for what behaviour to choose. We therefore can live only by faith. This strongly antinomian line was adopted by a great many sects at the Reformation and later and must undoubtedly be regarded as a target no less important than moral scepticism for Protestant natural law theory.

Also in his Introduction to this facsimilar edition, Casselli explains that in Burgess’s lectures the:

…development of the doctrine of the law and the covenants was worked out by the careful exegesis of particular texts, including detailed attention to grammatical and lexical features of the text. [Also]…thoughtful dialogue with the catholic theology of the Western church, a sophisticated interaction with contemporary interpretive traditions, and eye to ecclesiastical concerns, and a sensitivity to the progress of revelation leading to its culmination in the person and work of Jesus Christ…

Full Knowledge or Perpetual Confusion?

By Alejandro Moreno Morrison.

I often wonder whether unbelievers will eventually realise (perhaps at the Last Judgment) how foolish they were in disregarding God, the Bible, or the gospel of salvation by grace alone.  Will unbelievers get enough knowledge, understanding and clarity of mind to realise how irrational, how foolish, was their unbelief?  I don’t know the answer for sure, and it is actually not that important to know.  Still I have thought about two possible scenarios.

I have to confess that more often than not, I want Christian believers to be vindicated in the eyes of those who disregard the gospel.  I want the unbeliever to know and understand, at some point at long last, that all along, while the Christian in his life held the truth, the unbeliever wilfully dismissed it and stubbornly committed to irrationality and lies.  Nevertheless, there seems to be no explicit support in Scripture for this scenario.

There is another possibility.  The Bible teaches that at the consummation of times, “when the perfect comes,” the redeemed ones will in some way “fully know as they were fully known” by God (1st Corinthians 13:9-12).  Therefore, knowing fully and in a superior way will be part of the glorification yet to come for the redeemed ones.  No more doubts, no more misunderstandings, no more ignorance, no more partial knowledge, no more guessing, no more confusion, but full clarity of mind, full assurance, full knowledge of what is true and full understanding of the truth.  That blissful situation will be, of course, yet another undeserved gift of God’s loving grace reserved exclusively for those redeemed by grace alone through saving faith in Christ alone.

Therefore, it seems that the unregenerate will never attain much beyond what they had in this life in terms of knowledge, understanding, and clarity of mind on spiritual and eternal matters.  Thus, in addition to total alienation from God and from the rest of the creation, the sufferings of eternal damnation will perhaps involve also staying forever in state of ignorance and confusion, alienated from truth, knowledge, understanding, and clarity of mind, with a thirst to know and understand what ever happened to them yet never being able to quench that thirst.

The mind that in this life congratulated himself for being so smart as to disregard God, the Bible or the gospel for not meeting his self-proclaimed standards of truth or relevance, will perhaps forever wonder, without ever being able to understand, how come his trust in his clever self went so horribly wrong.

AMM. The mind that in this life congratulated himself... will forever wonder

Which will you have at the end and forever, full knowledge or perpetual confusion?

____________

Alejandro Moreno Morrison is a Mexican lawyer and Reformed theologian. He studied at Escuela Libre de Derecho (Mexico City), Reformed Theological Seminary (Orlando, Florida) and the University of Oxford. At Reformed Theological Seminary he was teaching assistant of the Rev. Dr. Ronald H. Nash. He was also Spanish resources consultant for the Rev. Dr. Richard L. Pratt at Third Millennium Ministries. Alejandro has ministered as intern, teacher, or visiting preacher or teacher at churches and missions of several denominations including Iglesia Presbiteriana Reformada de México, Iglesia Nacional Presbiteriana de México, Iglesia Nacional Presbiteriana Conservadora de México, Iglesia Presbiteriana Ortodoxa Reformada, the Presbyterian Church in America, the Presbyterian Church of Ireland, and the Reformed Presbyterian Church, North America Synod. With the latter he was in charge of a mission congregation during 2014. He has also been guest lecturer on Systematic Theology, Ethics, Evangelism, and Apologetics at Seminario Teológico Reformado of Iglesia Presbiteriana Reformada de México, on Contemporary Political Systems at the Faculty of Law of Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, and on Corporate law at the Massachusetts Institute of Technologies (Global Startup Lab for Mexico). Since 2010 he is adjunct lecturer on Jurisprudence at Escuela Libre de Derecho.

The Lovely Italian Princess & the Erudite Spanish Reformer: Giulia Gonzaga & Juan de Valdés in the 16th century Reformation

By Alejandro Moreno Morrison

[Nota Bene: To read the footnotes, please scroll down to the bottom of the page.]

Upon personal invitation of the emperor Charles V, the 22 years-old Giulia Gonzaga Colonna, Duchess of Trajetto, Dowager Countess of Fondi, and Dowager Duchess of Gaeta, moved to Naples in December 1535.[1]  Giulia, “illustrious by birth, was still more so by her mental and personal endowments.”[2]  “Admirable woman of… aristocratic and thorough beauty,” as shown in her portrait kept in the British Museum,[3] Giulia was wooed by Ippolito Di’Medici, and variously celebrated by poets, painters, scholars, and noblemen.  The fame of her beauty reached such international proportions that, in the summer of 1534, Barbarossa, admiral of the Turkish-Ottoman fleet, almost succeeded in kidnapping her for the harem of sultan Soliman II.[4]  But God had a wonderful plan for her life, having predestined her for salvation before the foundation of the world.

But how could she come to saving faith in Christ and in Him alone when her religion taught her to merit salvation by works and not to acknowledge it as coming by grace alone to be received through faith alone?  How could she believe a gospel she had never heard?  And who could possibly be the preacher suited to her peculiar circumstances?  Although the gospel of salvation by grace alone through faith alone was being preached already all over Europe, on Giulia’s side of the Alps and of the social gap such message was perceived with the political taints of a German revolt against the unity of the empire[5] and Christendom, and further tainted by the 1527 sack of Rome in which some German Lutherans were involved.

Years before, Spanish nobleman Ferrando (or Hernando) de Valdés, Perpetual Regent of Cuenca, Spain,[6] had three children among whom two stand out in history: Alfonso (b. ca. 1501) and Juan (b. ca. 1509).[7]

Alfonso de Valdés studied Latin and Law under royal tutor Pedro Mártir de Anglería,[8] whose assistance “helped secure Alfonso a future place in [emperor] Charles’s service”[9] at the imperial court.  Alfonso was present at the coronation of Charles V[10] and not much later became his Latin Secretary,[11] and some years later his Chief Secretary.[12]  Alfonso was present at Luther’s trial at the Diet of Worms.[13]  But the German monk did not produce any favourable first impression on the Spanish courtier, who called Luther “audacious, shameless,” his books “poisonous,”[14] and his followers “prone to evil.”[15]  Yet, he agreed on the need for a reformation and was dissatisfied with the way in which Rome was handling the Luther affair.[16]  “Alfonso’s name is found subscribed to imperial letters of the years 1526 and 1527, addressed to Pope Clement VII and to the College of Cardinals, in which a General Council is most energetically demanded.”[17]  That was exactly what Luther had originally requested. Through his writings and imperial politics, Alfonso pursued a reformation programme along the lines proposed by Erasmus, of whom he was protector[18] and friend, and who held both Valdés brothers, Alfonso and Juan, in very high esteem.[19]

Juan spent his youth years in the Spanish royal court,[20] and later went on to study at Universidad Complutense[21] (most likely Humanities and Canon Law).[22]  He was well versed in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew and mastered the Spanish (Castilian) language.[23]  In January 1529, Juan published Dialogue on Christian Doctrine, which ignited against himself the hostility of the Spanish Inquisition.  Providentially, his case was appointed to scholars of his alma mater who were sympathetic to him, while enjoying also the favourable intervention of other people in prominence (including the General Inquisitor), all of which finally secured his absolution.

Around the same time, Alfonso de Valdés also provoked the wrath of the Spanish Inquisition with his writings, but such was his political power and influence that in 1530 he got an ample charter of absolution for his whole family from Clement VII, the pope he had attacked in his writings.[24]

By 1531 Juan had found refuge from the Spanish Inquisition in Clement’s papal court with the honorary title of Chamberlain[25] and the honorary dignity of Imperial Secretary with some semi-official role as Imperial agent.[26]  At Clement’s court Juan enjoyed the confidence of Pietro Carnesecchi, the pope’s Secretary and later Protonotary of the Apostolic See –a man so influential that it was believed “that he… wielded the pontifical power.”[27]

Meanwhile, Alfonso was travelling with the Emperor through Germany and having meetings with Melanchthon at Augsburg.

The intercourse between the two [Alfonso and Melanchthon] was a very friendly one, and with the sovereign, Valdés successfully set off the conciliatory and reasonable tone of the Protestants, and smoothed the way for a public reading of [the Augsburg Confession] in the presence of the Emperor…  It was with pleasure that he saw the Emperor… constrained to yield great liberty to the evangelical movement.[28]

Alfonso died in October of 1532, and it was so reported to Henry VIII by his then ambassador in Vienna, Thomas Cranmer, who wrote to the English king about Alfonso de Valdés in very complimentary terms.[29]

By 1535, after the death of pope Clement VII, Juan de Valdés became imperial agent and moved to Naples, which would become his home place for the rest of his short life, and his missionary field.  Variously described by his contemporaries as “Gentleman of cape and sword,” “noble and wealthy knight,” “prudent and learned man,” of “courtly bearing”[30] and “patient spirit,” [31] “of handsome looks, very sweet manners and of smooth and attractive speech,”[32] Valdés enjoyed the friendship of “the most distinguished members of the aristocracy of Italy of their period.”[33]  He used to gather them at his country house on the Riviera di Chiaia[34] –“one of the most beautiful places on earth”.[35]

Here Valdés received on the Sunday a select number of his most intimate friends; and they passed the day together in this manner: after breakfasting and enjoying themselves amidst the glories of the surrounding scenery, they returned to the house, when he read some selected portion of Scripture, and commented upon it, or some ‘Divine consideration’ which had occupied his thoughts during the week—some subject on which he conceived that his mind had obtained a clearer illumination of heavenly truth.[36]

Juan’s circle included scholars, literati, cardinals, archbishops, bishops, noblemen, and “the most noble and discrete women of Naples,”[37] such as the poetess Vittoria Colonna (1490-1547), friend of Baldassare Castiglione (author of Il Cortegiano) and Michelangelo’s Platonic love, and the young noble Giulia Gonzaga Colonna.[38]  It would be Giulia toward whom Juan’s mind would be “most forcibly brought into exercise.  Her noble faculties, her pursuit of the highest virtue, and the loveliness of her mind and person alike engaged his regard.”[39]

Juan de Valdés was probably first recommended to Giulia as legal advisor on a litigation brought about by the death of her husband.[40]  However, as confidence ripened between the two during the Lent season of 1536, it became apparent that Giulia’s core needs were not legal but spiritual, and that her legal advisor’s chief gifts were in biblical exposition, theology, and pastoral care.  One day, Giulia and Juan attended one of the Lenten sermons by Bernardino Ochino in company with emperor Charles V, his court, and the whole of Neapolitan society.  The whole audience, including the Emperor and Giulia, was deeply moved, and for Valdés the experience was apparently “akin to… a religious conversion.” [41]

Although “Valdés was undoubtedly the superior intelligence, and was further advanced in ‘Paulinism’”[42] and the doctrine of justification by faith, Ochino’s sermon was somehow used by the Holy Spirit to transform that knowledge into passionate action, moving Juan to display the fullness of his theological abilities and devoting to it increasingly more of his interest and time.

As a result, Juan first wrote Alfabeto christiano to address Giulia’s spiritual thirst.  Furthermore, the gatherings with his influential and aristocratic friends became opportunities for biblical exposition, theological discussion and, most of all, for the preaching of the gospel of salvation by grace alone through faith alone.  Valdés promoted the reading of works by John Calvin, Martin Luther, Martin Bucer, and Ulrich Zwingli, among such people as Carnesecchi, Ochino, Benedetto, and Pietro Martire Vermigli.  It was through Juan de Valdés that Vermigli was first nurtured in the gospel to become later one of the chief theologians of the Reformation.[43]  Thus, Valdés had a direct influence upon the two most influential pulpits in Naples, the ones held by Vermigli and Ochino.  Valdés’s writings reached as far as the influential cardinal Gasparo Contarini who, in striving for a reformation of the western Church from within and from the top, would later recommend Vermigli to be appointed for reformation commissions on two occasions.[44]

Notwithstanding the above, the first and special object of the theological works of this “Dottore e Pastore of noble and illustrious persons”[45] was the spiritual growth of his dearest friend Giulia –“the one who drank deepest of his instructions.”[46]  It was for Giulia that Juan translated the Scriptures into Spanish and for whom he wrote his Bible commentaries also in Spanish.  It was to Giulia that Juan dedicated his translation and Commentaries to the Epistles of Saint Paul, his translation and Commentary to the Psalms, and his translation and Commentary to the Gospel According to Matthew.[47]  “Possibly no man ever lived that did more by word and by writings to teach another spiritual truth, than did Valdés for Julia.”[48]

Juan de Valdés died in 1541, right before the beginning of the Italian Inquisition’s persecution in Naples and six years before the Council of Trent’s Decretum iustificatione against the doctrine of justification by faith alone.  In spite of his Protestant views, Valdés did not separate formally from the Roman Church, as he was never forced to make that choice.  More than attacking Rome, he “confined himself to the inculcation of what he believed to be Divine truth.”[49]

From the peculiar vantage point of his time (before the Council of Trent) and of his influential position, the hope for a Reformation from within and from the top was not ungrounded.  Juan de Valdés’s life, influence, and reformist ministry among the aristocracy and high clergy in Italy stand indeed as an incontestable witness to the fact that every possibility for a reformation without separation was exhausted, and that the Vatican, having turned its back deliberately and explicitly against the biblical and apostolic faith, cannot possibly be the one holy, catholic and apostolic Church.

Juan de Valdés’s ministry succeeded in overcoming socio-economic and socio-political hindrances that would have prevented many in the aristocracy south of the Alps to embrace the biblical doctrine of the gospel of grace.  Thousands of people who otherwise would have never heard the gospel of justification by faith alone came to saving faith in Christ, including the princess whom God had predestined for salvation and preserved from the hands of the Sultan, and who is now enjoying the presence of Christ, her Saviour, and life everlasting in God’s glory.

[Editorial note: The first version of this text was originally written for and published in The Progress of St. Paul’s (the monthly newsletter of St. Paul’s Church (Presbyterian Church in America), Orlando, Florida, ca. Oct. 2000  This is a revised version (Oct. 28, 2017).]


[1] Giulia Gonzaga, born in 1513, got married in 1526 to Vespaciano Colonna (born in 1485), Count of Fondi and Duke of Gaeta, who died on March 13, 1528.  See Philip McNair, An Anatomy of Apostasy (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1967), p. 31; and http://www.visitaitri.it/nuova_pagina_1.htm.

[2] John T. Betts “Preface” to his edition of Juan de Valdés, Commentary upon the Gospel of St. Matthew (London: Trubner & Co., 1882), p. viii.

[3] Marcelino Menéndez-Pelayo, Historia de los heterodoxos españoles: Erasmistas y protestantes. Sectas místicas.  Judaizantes y moriscos.  Artes mágicas (México: Porrúa, 1995, reprint of the 1882 ed.), p. 104.

[4] Cf. McNair, op. cit., p. 30.

[5] See Menéndez-Pelayo, op. cit., pp. 55 & 84.

[6] See ibid., p. 54.

[7] The year of birth of both these siblings is unclear.  The ambiguity is connected to the fact that two sources seem to suggest that Alfonso and Juan were twins.  The main source of the ambiguity and possible confusion is a letter from Erasmus to Juan (March 21, 1529), in which Erasmus refers to both as twins (gemellos), although it could have been an allusion to the likeness between the two siblings (see ibid., p. 84, and José C. Nieto, Juan de Valdés y los orígenes de la Reforma en España e Italia, 1st Spanish ed. (México: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1979, corrected and augmented from the 1st English ed., 1970), p. 176).  One of the reasons to doubt they were twins is the fact that Alfonso was already Secretary to emperor Charles V when Juan was still a student in Escalona, Spain.  Therefore, it is most likely that, as Nieto thinks (see ibid.), Juan was younger than Alfonso.  Consequently, the most likely explanation for the two dates given for the birth of Alfonso a Juan is that Alfonso was born ca. 1501, and Juan ca. 1509.

[8] Pedro Mártir de Anglería was an “Italian humanist brought to the Spanish royal court by Ferdinand and Isabel to provide such instruction” (Daniel A. Crews, Twilight of the Renaissance: The Life of Juan de Valdés (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2008), p. 15).

[9] Ibid.

[10] Menéndez-Pelayo, op. cit., p. 55.

[11] See Nieto, op. cit., p. 281.

[12] As reported by Thomas Cranmer in 1532, while Cranmer was Henry VIII’s ambassador to the imperial court (see Menéndez-Pelayo, op. cit., p. 56).

[13] See ibid.

[14] See ibid.

[15] Ibid.

[16] See ibid.

[17] Edward Boehmer, Lives of the Twin Brothers Juán and Alfonso de Valdés (London: Trubner & Co., 1882), p. 16.

[18] See Menéndez-Pelayo, op. cit., pp. 58-9.

[19] John Stoughton, Footprints of Italian Reformers (London: The Religious Tract Society, 1881), p. 107.  Menéndez-Pelayo interprets a paragraph by Francisco de Enzinas (an acquaintance of both Valdés brothers) as implying that it was Alfonso who inculcated into Juan the “reformist ideas” (op. cit., p. 85).

[20] The Valdés family was very wealthy and politically powerful (see Crews, op. cit., p. 12).

[21] “Complutense” means “from Alcalá de Henares.”  It was in this university where the Poliglotha Complutense edition of the Bible had been prepared.

[22] Menéndez-Pelayo, op. cit., p. 84.  This author reports that many are the authors who refer to Juan de Valdés as “jurisconsulto” (jurist).

[23] See ibid., pp. 84-85.  In fact, his best-known work (still in print and widely read and studied) is his Diálogo de la lengua (ca. 1533-36), considered one of the three foundational documents of the modern Spanish language.  Juan wrote this book in Naples for non-Spanish-speakers in the imperial court eager to learn to speak proper Spanish, since that was emperor Charles V’s favourite language.

[24] Boehmer, op. cit., p. 16.

[25] Betts, in his “Introduction” to Boehmer’s Lives… explains that the post was “…that of ‘Cameriere d’onore, di spada e cappa’, meaning a chamberlain of honour, a secular, a layman, a post of honour involving no regular duties . . . they do not present themselves at the palace except when they choose to do so, and that it is usual for the Popes to send the Cardinal’s hat by them to newly-appointed Cardinals” (op. cit., p. iv).

[26] See ibid., pp. 20-21.

[27] Betts in the “Introduction” to Boehmer, Lives…, op. cit., p. vi (citing Riguccio Galluzzi, Storia del Granducato di Toscana Firenze, 1822).

[28] Boehmer, op. cit., p. 16-17.  Menéndez-Pelayo reports, nevertheless, that Alfonso found some of the propositions of the confession to be “bitter and intolerable” (op. cit., p. 70).

[29] See ibid., p. 17, and Menéndez-Pelayo, op. cit.

[30] See Stoughton, op. cit., p. 110; and Menéndez-Pelayo, op. cit., p. 94.

[31] Stoughton, op. cit.

[32] Menéndez-Pelayo, op. cit., p. 100.

[33] Betts, “Preface”, op. cit., p. viii.

[34] “On the Chiaja, not far from the rock-cut road from Naples to Pozzuoli, where tropical vegetation mingles with that of higher latitudes, and where Virgil’s tomb arrests the traveller’s attention… Juan de Valdés had a country house, not crowded into a long line of palaces and villas, but standing by itself, ‘set in verdure’, with an open view of the glorious bay, and refreshed at eventide by a cooling breeze” (Stoughton, op. cit., p. 109).

[35] Betts, “Preface,” op. cit., p. viii.

[36] “Life and Writings of Juan de Valdés”, by B. J. Wiffen, prefixed to the CX Considerations, tr. John T. Betts, p. 138.  Cited in Stoughton, op. cit., p. 109.

[37] Menéndez-Pelayo, op. cit., p. 103.

[38] The following lines by Jacob Burckhardt provide a good picture of Valdes’s social circle in Italy:

It would be juster to wonder at the secure foundations of a society which, notwithstanding these tales, still observed the rules of order and decency, and which knew how to vary such pastimes with serious and solid discussion. The need of noble forms of social intercourse was felt to be stronger than all others. To convince ourselves of it, we are not obliged to take as our standard the idealized society which Castiglione depicts as discussing the loftiest sentiments and aims of human life at the court of Guidobaldo of Urbino, and Pietro Bembo at the castle of Asolo.  The society described by Bandello, with all the frivolities which may be laid to its charge, enables us to form the best notion of the easy and polished dignity, of the urbane kindliness, of the intellectual freedom, of the wit and the graceful dilettantism, which distinguished these circles. A significant proof of the value of such circles lies in the fact that the women who were the centers of them could become famous and illustrious without in any way compromising their reputation.  Among the patronesses of Bandello, for example, Isabella Gonzaga (born an Este) was talked of unfavorably not through any fault of her own, but on account of the too-free-lived young ladies who filled her court. Giulia Gonzaga Colonna, Ippolita Sforza married to a Bentivoglio, Bianca Rangona, Cecilia Gallerana, Camilla Scarampa, and others, were either altogether irreproachable, or their social fame threw into the shade whatever they may have done amiss. The most famous woman of Italy, Vittoria Colonna (b. 1490, d. 1547), the friend of Castiglioni and Michelangelo, enjoyed the reputation of a saint. It is hard to give such a picture of the unconstrained intercourse of these circles in the city, at the baths, or in the country, as will furnish literal proof of the superiority of Italy in this respect over the rest of Europe.

The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy (Seattle: The World Wide School), Part V, Ch. IV, “Social Etiquette”).  On-line edition: http://www.worldwideschool.org/library/books/hst/european/TheCivilizationoftheRenaissanceinItaly/chap36.html

[39] Stoughton, op. cit., p. 119.

[40] See McNair, op. cit., p. 31.

[41] Ibid., p. 35.

[42] Ibid., p. 36.

[43] Vermigli became professor of Divinities at the University of Oxford during the reign of the Reformed “Boy King,” Edward VI of England.

[44] See ibid.

[45] Nieto, op. cit., p. 244 (citing Edmondo Cione, “Epistola del primo Editore” to Juan de Valdés, Le cento e dieci divine considerazioni (Milano: Fratelli Bocca, Editori, 1944), p. 527).

[46] Stoughton, op. cit., p. 119.

[47] “Juan de Valdés has the merit of having translated for the first time into our language [Spanish] any part of the New Testament” (Menéndez-Pelayo, op. cit., p. 105).  Menéndez-Pelayo, an ultra-conservative Spanish Roman-Catholic, recognizes Valdés’s translation as “faithful and accurate” (ibid., p. 106).

[48] Betts, “Introduction,” op. cit., p. vii.

[49] Stoughton, op. cit.

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Alejandro Moreno Morrison is a Mexican lawyer and Reformed theologian.  He studied at Escuela Libre de Derecho (Mexico City), Reformed Theological Seminary (Orlando, Florida) and the University of Oxford.  At Reformed Theological Seminary he was teaching assistant of the Rev. Dr. Ronald H. Nash.  He was also Spanish resources consultant for the Rev. Dr. Richard L. Pratt at Third Millennium Ministries.  Alejandro has ministered as intern, teacher, or visiting preacher or teacher at churches and missions of several denominations including Iglesia Presbiteriana Reformada de México, Iglesia Nacional Presbiteriana de México, Iglesia Nacional Presbiteriana Conservadora de México, Iglesia Presbiteriana Ortodoxa Reformada, the Presbyterian Church in America, the Presbyterian Church of Ireland, and the Reformed Presbyterian Church, North America Synod.  With the latter he was in charge of a mission congregation during 2014.  He has also been guest lecturer on Systematic Theology, Ethics, Evangelism, and Apologetics at Seminario Teológico Reformado of Iglesia Presbiteriana Reformada de México, on Contemporary Political Systems at the Faculty of Law of Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, and on Corporate law at the Massachusetts Institute of Technologies (Global Startup Lab for Mexico).  Since 2010 he is adjunct lecturer on Jurisprudence at Escuela Libre de Derecho.

El culto de la sinagoga fue el modelo del culto de la Iglesia apostólica

Por Horton Davies.

Fragmento del libro Christian Worship: Its history and meaning (New York: Abingdon Press, 1957), pp. 19-20.

Los primeros cristianos no pensaban acerca de sí mismos como fundadores de una nueva fe. El templo y la sinagoga y sus liturgias formaban el trasfondo natural de su culto.

Así que los primeros cristianos en Jerusalén celebraban una liturgia judía con modificaciones menores. Era simplemente una versión revisada del culto de la sinagoga. Y la sinagoga tenía una importancia doble para la primera generación de cristianos. En primer lugar, nuestro Señor y Pablo llevaron a cabo sus ministerios en las sinagogas…

La importancia de la sinagoga para nuestros propósitos es que su culto ejerció una profunda influencia en el culto de la iglesia apostólica. Los principales elementos de su culto fueron llevados a los servicios cristianos. Las oraciones, la alabanza, la lectura de las escrituras, y su exposición, fueron los fundamentos del culto cristiano. Más aún, el culto de la sinagoga era no-sacrificial en su carácter, y proveía un lugar para una liturgia simple con respuestas, así como con oraciones espontáneas. Estos dos elementos eran características del culto apostólico.

El hecho de que la estructura tradicional del culto judío, con ciertas adiciones importantes, satisfizo a los primeros cristianos, puede inferirse de las escasas referencias a los detalles sobre el culto que se dan en el Nuevo Testamento. La estructura judía se presupone completamente, haciendo superfluo describir el modo de la adoración en detalle.

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Ver también: La enseñanza bíblica sobre la adoración pública del Dios verdadero (video-conferencia); El comienzo de los postreros días en Pentecostés; Elección del reemplazo de Judas (Hechos 1:15-26); Las oraciones públicas, colectivas, comúnes, o litúrgicas en la práctica reformadaElección del sustituto de Judas (Hechos 1:12-26)El reino del Mesías y Su IglesiaOración por toda la Iglesia de Cristo (usada por la congregación angloparlante en Ginebra, en tiempos de Calvino y Knox)Juan Calvino acerca de las oraciones públicas, litúrgicas (o al unísono) de la Iglesia en el culto públicoLa música en la Iglesia occidental en tiempos previos a la ReformaSalmo 100 (para canto congregacional)La Cena del SeñorSobre el pacto abrahámicoPablo sobre la justificación de Abraham en Génesis 15 (Romanos 4)La extensión del territorio del reino del Mesías (Salmo 72:8-11); Origen tardío de la doctrina de la transubstanciación, y temprana oposición a la mismaLa música en la Iglesia occidental en tiempos previos a la ReformaLa proclamación del reino en los evangelios sinópticos (incluyendo el significado de las parábolas del reino en Mateo 13 y Marcos 4)La observancia del cuarto mandamiento en el Nuevo Testamento (video-conferencia)Salmo 67 (para canto congregacional)Invocar el nombre de Jehová (Génesis 4:26)Ampliación en el Nuevo Testamento de la noción judía del Reino de Dios y de Jerusalén como su sedeNulidad de los oficios eclesiásticos no prescritos en la BibliaLa espiritualidad de la verdadera adoración en el Nuevo TestamentoSerie de sermones de Hechos 1:1 al 2:41 (audios)La luz de la naturaleza es insuficiente para prescribir el culto (texto en imagen JPG)Dos sermones sobre Éxodo 32:1-33:6, episodio del becerro de oro (audios)Sermón expositivo de Éxodo 34. La ley como señal de la gracia y la elección de Dios (audio)Sermón expositivo de Juan 4:1-42; el diálogo entre el Señor Jesús y la mujer Samaritana (audio)El 2º mandamiento prohíbe las imágenes (aunque sean sólo para fines didácticos o de ornamento) — “Catecismo de Heidelberg” y comentario de UrsinoSermón temático: Soli Deo gloria (audio)Pretender adorar a Dios en cualquier forma no prescrita por Él es superstición e idolatría.

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Traducción: Alejandro Moreno Morrison.

Horton Davies es autor de varios libros sobre la historia de la teología y del culto cristiano y reformado, entre otros, además del libro citado: Worship and Theology in England (en cinco tomos), y The Worship of the English Puritans.

Creer en el Señor Jesucristo implica necesariamente someternos a Su Reino

Por Alejandro Moreno Morrison.

Extractos de la sección de aplicación del Sermón expositivo de Hechos 2:22-37 (audio) (segunda parte del sermón de Pedro en Pentecostés).

La predicación del evangelio es la predicación del Reino de Dios… [ver Hechos 28:30-31]. El perdón de pecados, la justificación, es una parte muy importante del evangelio pero no es todo el evangelio.  Pedro y Lucas nos están dejando claro que… hablar del evangelio es hablar del Reino de Dios –hablar de que el Señor Jesucristo reina.  Y el concepto de reino, de gobierno, necesariamente, inevitablemente, incluye, lleva implícito, el concepto de obediencia.  No hay evangelio si no hay obediencia al Rey.  No hay salvación si no hay sumisión al Rey.  El evangelio entraña necesariamente esta respuesta, “¿Qué haremos?” –no solamente decir “Sí, perdona mis pecados.”  ¡No! Reconocer al Señor Jesucristo, creer en el Señor Jesucristo, invocar el nombre del Señor para ser salvo, entraña necesariamente, inevitablemente, la sumisión de la voluntad al gobierno de Dios, la sumisión del creyente, la sumisión de toda la Iglesia como pueblo de Dios a la voluntad del Señor Jesucristo.  Esta pregunta que hace la audiencia de Pedro [¿Qué haremos?, Hch. 2:37] es la pregunta que todo creyente y la iglesia debe hacerse cada momento –“¿Señor, qué quieres que yo haga?”…  La respuesta –la única respuesta lógica y la única respuesta aceptable a la doctrina del Reino de Dios, a la doctrina del Señor Jesucristo como “Rey de reyes y Señor de señores,” la única reacción aceptable y lógica– es “¿Señor, qué quieres que yo haga? ¿Señor, qué debo hacer?”

Vemos en Rom. 1:5 que Pablo, haciendo alusión a su llamamiento para ser apóstol dice… “recibimos la gracia y el apostolado para la obediencia a la fe”.  Fe y ley no son conceptos opuestos.  Pablo nos dice claramente que creer en el Señor Jesucristo implica obedecer al Señor Jesucristo… Y viceversa, no obedecer al Señor Jesucristo implica no creer en el Señor Jesucristo.  Asimismo, en Rom. 16:25-26 dice “…para que obedezcan a la fe.” Obediencia a la fe.  La salvación es por la sola gracia sin que nuestra obediencia tenga ningún papel en absoluto en la obtención de nuestra justificación.  Pero nuestra justificación tiene como fruto necesario, inevitable, la obediencia.  Porque el evangelio que predicamos es el evangelio del Rey, del Señor Jesucristo, quien ha sido declarado “Rey de reyes y Señor de señores.”

…  Las implicaciones y aplicaciones prácticas entonces son que el evangelio entraña la obediencia tanto del individuo como de la iglesia…

…  ¿Cuál es la señal externa que identifica al verdadero pueblo de Dios?  …Obedecer al Señor Jesucristo.

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Ver también: Contexto bíblico (intertextual) de las lenguas extrañasExaltación y entronización del Señor JesucristoEl derramamiento del Espíritu Santo (Pentecostés)La extensión del territorio del reino del Mesías (Salmo 72:8-11)El comienzo de los postreros días en PentecostésEl Reino de Dios a lo largo de la historia de la redenciónEl evangelio y las misionesArrepentimiento en respuesta al sermón de PentecostésEl reino del Mesías y Su IglesiaLa proclamación del reino en los evangelios sinópticos (incluyendo el significado de las parábolas del reino en Mateo 13 y Marcos 4)Invocar el nombre de Jehová (Génesis 4:26)Vistámonos con la armadura de luz (Romanos 13:12)Vestíos del Señor Jesucristo (Romanos 13:14)Ampliación en el Nuevo Testamento de la noción judía del Reino de Dios y de Jerusalén como su sedeGanancias y pérdidas (Filipenses 3:7-9)El Hijo del Hombre es Señor del Día de Reposo (Marcos 2:28)La observancia del cuarto mandamiento en el Nuevo Testamento (video-conferencia)Sermón expositivo de Hechos 1:1-3 (audio)Sobre el “bautismo en Espíritu Santo y fuego”(Lucas 3:16)Sermón: Lenguas extrañas como señal del juicio de Dios, antecedente antiguo-testamentario del pentecostés (audio)Transición pública del antiguo pacto al nuevo pacto en pentecostésSermón expositivo de Ezequiel 47:1-12, antecedentes AT del Pentecostés (audio)Serie de sermones de Hechos 1:1 al 2:41 (audios)Sermón expositivo de Joel 2 y Hechos 2:14-21 (audio)Sermón expositivo de Hechos 2:29-40 (audio)Sermón expositivo de Éxodo 34. La ley como señal de la gracia y la elección de Dios (audio)Sermón expositivo del Salmo 67 (audio)Brevísima introducción a la teología bíblica del evangelismo y las misiones (audio).

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Alejandro Moreno Morrison, de nacionalidad mexicana, es un abogado y teólogo reformado.  Fue educado en la Escuela Libre de Derecho (México), el Reformed Theological Seminary Orlando, y la Universidad de Oxford.  En el Reformed Theological Seminary Orlando fue asistente del Rev. Dr. Richard L. Pratt, y del Rev. Dr. Ronald H. Nash.  Ha ministrado como maestro de doctrina cristiana y Biblia y como predicador en diversas iglesias y misiones de varias denominaciones incluyendo la Iglesia Presbiteriana Reformada de México, la Iglesia Nacional Presbiteriana de México, la Iglesia Nacional Presbiteriana Conservadora de México, la Presbyterian Church of America, la Presbyterian Church of Ireland, y la Reformed Presbyterian Church North America Synod.  Con esta última estuvo a cargo de una misión durante 2014.  También ha sido profesor invitado de Teología Sistemática, Ética, Evangelismo, y Apologética en el Seminario Teológico Reformado de la Iglesia Presbiteriana Reformada de México, y de Sistemas Políticos Contemporáneos en la Facultad de Derecho de la UNAM (México).  Desde 2010 es profesor adjunto de Filosofía del Derecho en la Escuela Libre de Derecho.

Brevísima introducción a la teología bíblica del evangelismo y las misiones (audio)

Por Alejandro Moreno Morrison.

Clase-conferencia impartida en la Iglesia “Renuevo” (Iglesia Evangélica Libre), de la Ciudad de México, el sábado 29 de julio de 2017.

Enlace al archivo de audio: Clase-conferencia Intro. Teol. bíblica del evangelismo-misiones (AMM, Jul. 29, 2017).

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Ver también: Sobre el pecado original (Génesis 3)Exaltación y entronización del Señor JesucristoLa profecía de Noé (Gen. 9:25-27) y su cumplimiento en el Nuevo TestamentoSobre el pacto abrahámicoPablo sobre la justificación de Abraham en Génesis 15 (Romanos 4)La extensión del territorio del reino del Mesías (Salmo 72:8-11)Contraste entre los linajes de Caín (simiente de la serpiente) y de Set (simiente de la mujer)El Reino de Dios a lo largo de la historia de la redenciónEl evangelio y las misionesEste mundo está lleno del poder redentor de Dios.La proclamación del reino en los evangelios sinópticos (incluyendo el significado de las parábolas del reino en Mateo 13 y Marcos 4)El reino del Mesías y Su IglesiaSalmo 67 (para canto congregacional)Dos acercamientos al estudio de la Biblia: teología sistemática y teología bíblica (con análisis literario)Amplicación en el Nuevo Testamento de la noción judía del Reino de Dios y de Jerusalén como su sedeTransición pública del antiguo pacto al nuevo pacto en pentecostésSermón expositivo del Salmo 67 (audio)Serie de sermones de Hechos 1:1 al 2:41 (audios)Sermón expositivo de Hechos 1:6-7 (audio)Sermón expositivo de Hechos 1:8 (audio)Sermón expositivo de Éxodo 34. La ley como señal de la gracia y la elección de Dios (audio)“…y para vuestros hijos”Salmo 100 (para canto congregacional).

Alejandro Moreno Morrison, de nacionalidad mexicana, es un abogado y teólogo reformado.  Fue educado en la Escuela Libre de Derecho (México), el Reformed Theological Seminary Orlando, y la Universidad de Oxford.  En el Reformed Theological Seminary Orlando fue asistente del Rev. Dr. Richard L. Pratt, y del Rev. Dr. Ronald H. Nash.  Ha ministrado como maestro de doctrina cristiana y Biblia y como predicador en diversas iglesias y misiones de varias denominaciones incluyendo la Iglesia Presbiteriana Reformada de México, la Iglesia Nacional Presbiteriana de México, la Iglesia Nacional Presbiteriana Conservadora de México, la Presbyterian Church in America, la Presbyterian Church of Ireland, y la Reformed Presbyterian Church North America Synod.  Con esta última estuvo a cargo de una misión durante 2014.  También ha sido profesor invitado de Teología Sistemática, Ética, Evangelismo, y Apologética en el Seminario Teológico Reformado de la Iglesia Presbiteriana Reformada de México, y de Sistemas Políticos Contemporáneos en la Facultad de Derecho de la UNAM (México).  Desde 2010 es profesor adjunto de Filosofía del Derecho en la Escuela Libre de Derecho.